Though Gerasim is a menial household worker, he is an important character in Tolstoys story. As Ivanovich takes his leave with an expression of insincere reection on the death, Gerasim responds, Its Gods will.
We shall all come to it some day, and displays his teeth the even, white teeth of a healthy peasant. His peasant class is critical, because Tolstoys story is in part a critique of what passes for high civilization. Gerasim seems to be the only person who can openly acknowledge what is happening to Ilych and respond with genuine sympathy.
He is also the only truly spiritual gure and the character who is able by bear in mind that death is a shared, universal fate. Although he is the least free person in the story, he is the only character not enslaved by a denial of the reality of death.
Gerasim acts as a nurse to the ailing Ilych, but his services are more extensive and more important than just his physical care. As he empties Ilychs commode, Ilych apologizes to him and receives.
Its a case of illness with you, sir Soon Gerasim will sit with Ilych for hours, holding up his legs to lessen his pain; and he does so uncomplainingly and with an understanding of Ivans suering and an honesty about its outcome. A contrast here emerges between the straightforwardness and compassion that Gerasim is able to manifest in response to Ilychs condition and the ignorance and detachment of his contemporaries, who refuse to even admit that he is dying. The clearest account of Gerasims role is oered in the following narrative passage: The awful, terrible act of his dying was, he could see, reduced by those about him to the level of a casual, unpleasant, and almost indecorous incident as if someone entered a drawing-room diusing an unpleasant odour and this was done by that very decorum which he had served his whole life long.
He saw that no one felt for him, because no one even wished to grasp his position. Only Gerasim recognized it and pitied him. And so Ivan Ilych felt at ease only with him. He felt comforted when Gerasim supported his legs sometimes all night long and refused to go to bed, saying: Dont you worry, Ivan Ilych. Ill get sleep enough later on, or when he suddenly became familiar and exclaimed: If you werent sick it would be another matter, but as it is, why should I grudge a little trouble?
Only Gerasim did not lie; everything showed that he alone understood the facts of the case and did not consider it necessary to disguise them, but simply felt sorry for his emaciated and enfeebled master.
Once when Ivan Ilych was sending him away he even said straight out: We shall all of us die, so why should I grudge a little trouble? There is one other person who seems to genuinely care for the dying Ilych: his son, Vasya. He is observed by Ivanovich at the funeral: His tear-stained eyes had in them the look that is seen in the eyes of boys of thirteen or fourteen who are not pure-minded This link between his age, his impurity, and his weakness is further emphasized in the scene where Vasya goes to visit his father in the sickroom:.
Terribly dark shadows showed under his eyes, the meaning of which Ivan Ilych knew well [supposedly evidence of masturbation]. His son had always seemed pathetic to him, and now it was dreadful to see the boys frightened look of pity. It seemed to Ivan Ilych that Vasya was the only one besides Gerasim who understood and pitied him. Only a peasant and a guilt-ridden schoolboy guilty because he too is enslaved by the bodys compulsions are able to really pity Ivan Ilych; everyone else is too self-centered, too well-bred, too civilized to acknowledge his suering and impending death and to recognize that our shared mortality is what links one person to another.
Admittedly, this is a lesson that even Ilych has a hard time taking to heart, and he is the one dying. In a late internal dialogue he keeps coming back to the question: What is this? Can it be that it is Death? And the inner voice answered: Yes, it is Death.
Why these suerings? And the voice answered, For no reasonthey just are so. Beyond and besides this, there was nothing. This torment is vivid, perhaps because it echoes Tolstoys own deep spiritual fear of death which brings him, in the s, to the brink of suicide Pachmuss However at the end of his life, Ilych is able to think and feel beyond himself and his selshness, a change that is stimulated by his son Vasya: Then he felt that someone was kissing his hand.
He opened his eyes, looked at his son, and felt sorry for him. His wife came up to him and he glanced at her. She was gazing at him. He felt sorry for her too.
Yes, I am making them wretched, he thought. He was sorry for them, he must act so as not to hurt them: release them and free himself from these suerings. Finally, Ilych is able to get beyond his selsh resistance to and resentment of death, and he is able to reach a kind of sympathetic understanding that illustrates the truth of his death. However, Ilych is not enslaved only by his beliefs about mortality; much worse, and the stronger part of Tolstoys message, is that Ilych is enslaved to a false value system.
His life has been all wrong. Recognizing this is the other necessary part of Ilychs reconciliation to his fate: He must nd the meaning of his death in the life that preceded it.
Tolstoy admired Henry David Thoreau and quoted him often, as critics such as Clarence Manning have noted. He may have known the lines from Walden in which Thoreau writes: I wished to live deliberately, to front only the essential facts of life, and see if I could not learn what it had to teach, and not, when I came to die, discover that I had not lived.
I did not wish to live what was not life, living is so dear; nor did I wish to practice resignation, unless it was quite necessary.
I wanted to live deep and suck out all the marrow of life. Thoreau These words might serve as a commentary on the life of Ivan Ilych. Ilych moves through life successfully doing just what is expected, living in a way calculated to be the most free and easy and agreeable.
This is what is meant by the powerful statement at the beginning of Section II which details the story leading up to Ilychs death : Ivan Ilychs life had been most simple and most ordinary and therefore most terrible In Thoreaus cautionary terms, Ilych comes to the end of life and discovers that he has not lived. The story not only critiques Ilychs way of life: It also, by implication and with rare exception, critiques the lives of most people living in modern civilization, including Tolstoys readers and even the author himself.
Motivated by powerful, radical Christian beliefs and anarchic political views, Tolstoy held a set of rigid moral standards to which even he himself could not remain faithful. As Anthony.
Daniels unsympathetically comments, After he had written Anna Karenina [], Tolstoy reacted against literature. He wanted henceforth to be a moral philosopher, a prophet, a sage, and a saint, rather than an artist. How often we mistake the nature of our own gifts! Vladimir Nabokov, always mistrustful of didacticism in literature, also comments on Tolstoys would-be rejection of the novel for simple tales for the people, for peasants, for school children, pious educational fables, moralistic fairy tales, that kind of thing, but concludes: Here and there in The Death of Ivan Ilych there is a halfhearted attempt to proceed with this trend, and we shall nd samples of a pseudo-fable style here and there in the story.
But on the whole it is the artist who takes over. This story is Tolstoys most artistic, most perfect, and most sophisticated achievement. The artistry of course does not replace or preclude the prophetic denunciation of a life lived falsely; it simply makes it a work of ction rather than a jeremiad. What is the matter with the life to which Ivan Ilych has willingly indentured himself? Again, Daniels provides a sardonic summary: Tolstoys relentless indictment of Ivan Ilychs life includes his work as a judge.
Snide is the best way to describe Tolstoys treatment of his protagonist. By all means let us recognize that playing bridge is not mans highest spiritual or cultural accomplishment, but we should surely also recognize that it hardly registers on the scale of human wickedness. This is well put, but misses the point somewhat. No, Ivan Ilych is not really wicked. His life is most ordinaryhe is no more wicked than anybody else. So what has been the matter with Ivan Ilychs life? Can he really be condemned for wishing to live properly and pleasantly, for liking antiques and enjoying bridge?
It seems that this. Rima Salys writes that Ivans existence turns out to have been a living death, while his death is a rebirth into a new spiritual life Spiritual is important here: Ivans life, though perhaps lived in loose conformity with conventional religion a priest presides at the funeral is entirely secular.
He takes Communion, on his deathbed, to please his wife, but his mind is on the vermiform appendix. He lives, in other words, in a spiritual void, which the commentator Victor Brombert identies as his fatal aw. Brombert explains: Ivan Ilych learnsthe lesson may come too latethat emptiness, self-deception, and false values have been at the core of his life, that in the process of living we all deny the truth of our human condition, that we lie to ourselves when we pretend to forget about death, and that this lie is intimately bound up with all the other lies that vitiate our moral being.
It is a denunciation of a spiritual void. In other words, Ilych has been living a literal, physical life, but he has been spiritually dead. James Olneys thoughtful discussion of the story distinguishes between life as experience and life as meaning, and concludes that by his vivid ctional representation Tolstoy helps the reader to feel a truth that was in fact ever-present in his own soul.
Olney explains: Life would be one thing were we not all going to die; then it might be indulging in parties, cards, and pleasure every night, or tastefully decorating an apartment, or lying in bed reading French romances and eating gingerbread and honey a pleasure Tolstoy once, as a boy, pursued for three days when the certainty of death and the vanity of life were especially vivid and present to him.
But life, in fact and meaning, is something very dierent from this for Tolstoy, and dierent solely because we all exist under more or less immediate sentence of that death which, according to Tolstoy, worked as a great reordering power over life. The closer Ilych gets to death, the closer he gets to understanding his authors message, declaring in a spasm of hatred toward his wife : All youve lived for and still live for is falsehood and deception, hiding life and death from you However, as he demonstrates in his rough sort of nal epiphany, he is still missing the point: Yes, it was all not the right thing, he said to himself, but that doesnt matter.
The right thing can still be done. But what is the right thing? This occurred at the end of the third day, two hours before his death. The reordering power also interpretable as a liberating power of death over the life of Ilych explains why the story is called The Death of Ivan Ilych rather than The Life of Ivan Ilych.
Ilychs ignorantly blissful lifestyle and total denial of death imprison him within a delusion about his own mortality. He enslaves himself to a set of skewed values and false ideals that hide from him the greatest, most basic truth his life: his inevitable death.
Ironically, it is these very values and ideals that prove fatal to Ilych, as his only freedom from them can come through physical death and one would hope spiritual rebirth. Daniels, Anthony. From Literature and Psychology 22 : ; reprinted in Michael R. Katz, ed. Norton, : Manning, Clarence A. Thoreau and Tolstoy. The New England Quarterly 16 June : Nabokov, Vladimir. Lectures on Russian Literature.
Fredson Bowers. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Olney, James. Pachmuss, Temira. Rogers, Philip. Comparative Literature 40 Summer : Salys, Rima. Thoreau, Henry D. Edited and annotated by Je rey S. New Haven: Yale University Press, Tolstoy, Leo. The Death of Ivan of Ivan Ilych. Translated by Aylmer Maude, revised by Michael R. Michael R. Katz New York: W. In his commentary on this founding document that championed the cause of the American Revolution and declared emancipation from the tyranny of the British monarchy, Moses Coit Tyler explores the history of the Declaration of Independence, tracing Jeffersons compositional process and also examining the Declarations literary qualities.
Important political documents, according to Tyler, stand the test of time and can be judged for their political and historical significance as well as their aesthetic qualities. On the twenty-first of June, , Thomas Jefferson took his seat for the first time as a member of the Continental Congress, bringing with him into that famous assemblage, as we are told by an older member of it, a reputation for literature, science, and a happy talent Tyler, Moses Coit.
Thomas Jefferson and the Great Declaration. New York: G. Putnam Sons, Writings of his were handed about, remarkable for the peculiar felicity of expression.
Of these, the rst one, written in , could hardly have been among those compositions of his which were handed about for the admiration of Congress: it consisted of the Resolutions of the Virginia House of Burgesses in response to the speech of their new governor, Lord Botetourt, and was remarkable for nothing so much as for its obsequious toneespecially for its meek assurance on behalf of the burgesses that, in all their deliberations, it should be their ruling principle to consider the interests of Virginia and those of Great Britain as inseparably the same.
The extraordinary composition now referred to, was rst published at Williamsburg in the year in which it was written, and bears the following title: A Summary View of the Rights of British America. This, of course, might be a somewhat novel and startling view of himself for the chief magistrate of the British empire to take; but after he shall have got accustomed to it, he would see, doubtless, how eminently tting it was that he should at last receive from the people of America a joint address, penned in the language of truth, and divested of those expressions of servility which would persuade his majesty that we were asking favors, and not rights.
To give praise which is not due might be well from the venal, but would ill become those who are asserting the rights of human nature. They know, and will therefore say, that kings are the servants, not. Open your breast, sire, to liberal and expanded thought. Let not the name of George the Third be a blot in the page of history. The whole art of government consists in the art of being honest. Only aim to do your duty, and mankind will give you credit where you fail.
No longer persevere in sacricing the rights of one part of the empire to the inordinate desires of another, but deal out to all equal and impartial right. This, sire, is the advice of your great American council, on the observance of which may perhaps depend your felicity and future fame, and the preservation of that harmony which alone can continue both in Great Britain and America the reciprocal advantages of their connection.
Another notable state paper of Jeersons, was one on which he had been engaged immediately prior to his departure from the legislature of Virginia, in order to take his seat in Congress,an Address of the House of Burgesses,6 adopted June 12, , and having reference to Lord Norths plan for conciliating the American colonies.
In this paper, the burgesses of Virginia are made to review the long record of political blunders and crimes perpetrated by the British government in its relation to America, and then to declare that, for the further management of the dispute, they looked to the General Congress. Certainly, it is not strange that the more radical members of Congress welcomed among them this young man, who, being in opinion even more radical than themselves, also possessed so striking a talent for unabashed and sonorous talk to governors of royal provinces and even to kings.
Moreover, he soon won the hearts of the speech makers in that body by being himself no speech maker; and while he thus avoided irritating collisions and rivalries with his associates, he commanded their further admiration by being always prompt, frank, explicit, and decisive upon committees and in conversation,not even Samuel Adams himself being more so. It can hardly be doubted that some hindrance to a right estimate of the Declaration of Independence is occasioned by either of two opposite conditions of mind, both of which are often to be met with among us: on the one hand, a condition of hereditary, uncritical awe and worship of the American Revolution and of this state paper as its absolutely perfect and glorious expression; on the other hand, a later condition of cultivated distrust of the Declaration, as a piece of writing lifted up into inordinate renown by the passionate and heroic circumstances of its origin, and ever since then extolled beyond reason by the blind energy of patriotic enthusiasm.
Turning from the former state of mind,which obviously calls for no further comment,we may note, as a partial illustration of the latter, that American condence in the supreme intellectual merit of this all-famous document received a serious wound, some forty years ago, from the hand of Rufus Choate, when, with a courage greater than would now be required for such an act, he characterized it as made up of glittering and sounding generalities of natural right.
Nevertheless, it is to be noted that, whatever authority the Declaration of Independence has acquired in the world, has been due to no lack of criticism, either at the time of its rst appearance or since then,a fact which seems to tell in favor of its essential worth and strength.
From the date of its original publication down to the present moment, it has been attacked again and again, either in anger or in contempt, by friends as well as by enemies of the American Revolution, by liberals in politics as well as by conservatives.
It has been censured for its substance, it has been censured for its form: for its misstatements of fact, for its fallacies in reasoning; for its audacious novelties and paradoxes, for its total lack of all novelty, for its repetition of old and threadbare statements, even for its downright plagiarisms; nally, for its grandiose and vaporing style.
One of the earliest and ablest of its assailants was Thomas Hutchinson, the last civil governor of the colony of Massachusetts, who, being stranded in London by the political storm which had blown him thither, published there, in the autumn of , his Strictures upon the Declaration of the Congress at Philadelphia12; wherein, with an unsurpassed knowledge of the origin of the controversy, and with an unsurpassed acumen in the discussion of it, he traverses the entire document, paragraph by paragraph, for the purpose of showing that its allegations in support of American Independence are false and frivolous.
Here, again, the manifesto of Congress is subjected to a searching criticism,. Undoubtedly, the force of such censures is for us much broken by the fact that those censures proceeded from men who were themselves partisans in the Revolutionary controversy and bitterly hostile to the whole movement which the Declaration was intended to justify.
Such is not the case, however, with the leading modern English critics of the same document, who, while blaming in severe terms the policy of the British government toward the Thirteen Colonies, have also found much to abate from the condence due to this ocial announcement of the reasons for our secession from the empire. For example, Earl Russell, after frankly saying that the great disruption proclaimed by the Declaration of Independence, was a result which Great Britain had used every means most tted to bring about, such as vacillation in council, harshness in language, feebleness in execution, disregard of American sympathies and aections, also pointed out that the truth of this memorable Declaration was warped by one singular defect, namely, its exclusive and excessive arraignment of George the Third as a single and despotic tyrant, much like Philip the Second to the people of the Netherlands.
After mentioning certain things in it with which he was delighted, he adds: There were other expressions which I would not have inserted if I had drawn it up,particularly that which called the king tyrant.
I thought this too personal; for I never believed George to be a tyrant in disposition and in nature. I always believed him to be deceived by his courtiers on both sides of the Atlantic, and, in his ocial capacity only, cruel.
I thought the expression too passionate, and too much like scolding, for so grave and solemn a document; but, as Franklin and Sherman were to inspect it afterwards, I thought it would not become me to strike it out.
I consented to report it. Its charges that the several oensive acts of the king, besides evincing a design to reduce the colonists under absolute despotism, all had as their direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny, are simply propositions which history cannot accept. Finally, as has been already intimated, not even among Americans themselves has the Declaration of Independence been permitted to pass on into the enjoyment of its superb renown, without much critical disparagement at the hands of statesmen and historians.
No doubt Calhoun had its preamble in mind, when he declared that nothing can be more unfounded and false than the prevalent opinion that all men are born free and equal; for it rests upon the assumption of a fact which is contrary to universal observation. Perhaps, however, the most frequent form of disparagement to which Jeersons great state paper has been subjected among us, is that which would minimize his merit in composing it, by denying to it the merit of originality.
For example, Richard Henry Lee sneered at it as a thing copied from Lockes treatise on government. The substance of it is contained in the declaration of rights and the violation of those rights, in the journals of Congress, in Indeed, the essence of it is contained in a pamphlet, voted and printed by the town of Boston, before the rst Congress met, composed by James Otis, as I suppose, in one of his lucid intervals, and pruned and polished by Samuel Adams. Perhaps nowhere in our literature would it be possible to nd a criticism brought forward by a really able man against any piece of writing, less applicable to the case, and of less force or value, than is this particular criticism by John Adams and others, as to the lack of originality in the Declaration of Independence.
Indeed, for such a paper as Jeerson was commissioned to write, the one quality which it could not properly have hadthe one quality which would have been fatal to its acceptance either by the American Congress or by the American peopleis originality. They were then at the culmination of a tremendous controversy over alleged grievances of the most serious kinda controversy that had been ercely raging for at least twelve years.
In the course of that long dispute, every phase of it, whether as to abstract right or constitutional privilege or personal procedure, had been presented in almost every conceivable form of speech.
At last, they had resolved, in view of all this experience, no longer to prosecute the controversy as members of the empire: they had resolved to revolt, and casting o forever their ancient fealty to the British crown, to separate from the empire, and to establish themselves as a new nation among the nations of the earth.
In this emergency, as it happened, Jeerson was called upon to put into form a suitable statement of the chief considerations which prompted them to this. What, then, was Jeerson to do?
Was he to regard himself as a mere literary essayist, set to produce before the world a sort of prize dissertation,a calm, analytic, judicial treatise on history and politics with a particular application to Anglo-American aairs,one essential merit of which would be its originality as a contribution to historical and political literature? Was he not, rather, to regard himself as, for the time being, the very mouthpiece and prophet of the people whom he represented, and as such required to bring together and to set in order, in their name, not what was new, but what was old; to gather up into his own soul, as much as possible, whatever was then also in their soulstheir very thoughts and passions, their ideas of constitutional law, their interpretations of fact, their opinions as to men and as to events in all that ugly quarrel; their notions of justice, of civic dignity, of human rights; nally, their memories of wrongs which seemed to them intolerable, especially of wrongs inicted upon them during those twelve years by the hands of insolent and brutal men, in the name of the king, and by his apparent command?
Moreover, as the nature of the task laid upon him made it necessary that he should thus state, as the reasons for their intended act, those very considerations both as to fact and as to opinion which had actually operated upon their minds, so did it require him to do so, to some extent, in the very language which the people themselves, in their more formal and deliberate utterances, had all along been using.
In the development of political life in England and America, there had already been created a vast literature of constitutional progress,a literature common to both portions of the English race, pervaded by its own stately traditions, and reverberating certain great phrases which formed, as one may say, almost the vernacular of English justice, and of English aspiration for a free, manly, and orderly political life.
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